Saturday, October 24, 2020

Black History Month 2020: John Marrant - Calvinistic Methodist Preacher, Missionary, and Activist


Circa 1768. Light shone from a crowded meeting house into the evening gloom of a Charlestown, South Carolina street, where 13 year old boy, John, and his companion stood arguing about whether they should go in. John was booked to play the French horn at a function that night, but was distracted by the large numbers packing into the meeting house. 

His friend was dismissive: “A crazy man is hallooing there.”

John was curious to find out more, so began to wade through the crowds toward the doors to see what the ‘crazy’ man was on about. His friend was pulling at him, distracting him, telling him not to go, it was nothing really, not worth the time or effort, they had somewhere to be… John couldn’t be persuaded.

“If you will do one thing, I will go in with you.”

“What is that?”

"Blow the French horn among them." 

This seemed a fun idea, and thirteen year old John rather liked it. But it had its risks. It was a large crowd, and they might not take kindly to the disruption, not least by a young black youth. Wouldn’t they beat him? But his companion promised to stand by and defend him, so what did he have to lose?

***

John Marrant was an African-American born free on 15 June, 1755, in New York City. His father died when he was four, and his mother moved the family to St. Augustine, Florida where he was sent to school and taught to read and spell. After eighteen months, they moved to Georgia, away from the upheaval caused by the Seven Years War. The family – John, his mother, and four siblings – stayed in Georgia until John was eleven at which point they moved again to Charles Town (now Charleston), South Carolina. It was here that he developed a love for music and very quickly learned to play the violin and the French horn. Opportunities began to arise for the young and very successful student of music. He later wrote of that time,

This opened to me a large door of vanity and vice, for I was invited to all the balls and assemblies that were held in the town, and met with the general applause of the inhabitants.  I was a stranger to want, being supplied with as much money as I had any occasion for; which my sister observing, said "You have now no need of a trade."  I was now in my thirteenth year, devoted to pleasure and drinking in iniquity like water; a slave to every vice suited to my nature and to my years.

As a child around the age of ten, he had rejected the idea of pursuing a trade for this lifestyle, but seems to have grown bored of it. He left the music school at the earliest chance he could get, and after visiting his mother in the countryside, returned to the city seeking a trade. He was, as he later confessed, “unstable as water.”

Despite securing an apprenticeship, John continued to perform after-hours, sometimes all night, before going back to work in the day. It was en-route to such a musical performance that John saw the lights and crowds of the meeting house.

***

They pushed through the crowd and after much difficulty made it inside. John was pushing the people around him to make enough room for him to get his horn off his shoulder so he could follow through with the prank. The speaker was a Christian preacher - indeed, quite a well-known one – named George Whitefield. While John wrestled with his French horn, Whitefield announced his text, and looked around the room. It seemed to John that the preacher’s eyes landed directly on him. Whitefield pointed with his finger and his voice boomed: "Prepare to meet thy God, O Israel."  Everything went dark.

John opened his eyes. Two men were tending to him while a woman threw water in his face and held smelling salts to his nose. He had been out for half-an-hour, “speechless and senseless”, he believed because “the Lord accompanied the word with such power.” The sermon continued, but John’s reactions to it did not improve. “Every word I heard from the minister was like a parcel of swords thrust into me, and what added to my distress, I thought I saw the devil on every side of me.” While he had planned to disrupt the gathering by blowing his horn during the sermon, he found himself disrupting it by bitterly crying out to the point he was carried out of the room to the vestry.  When the people were dismissed, Mr. Whitefield came into the vestry, and being told of my condition he came immediately, and the first word he said to me was, "Jesus Christ has got thee at last.”

After days sick under deep conviction and a follow up visit from a local pastor who prayed with him three times, John says

the Lord was pleased to set my soul at perfect liberty, and being filled with joy I began to praise the Lord immediately; my sorrows were turned into peace, and joy, and love.

What did it look like to the watching world for Christ to have John Marrant?

As a thirteen year old new Christian, he devoted himself to studying the Bible so much that his family thought he was crazy. They became so hostile to him that he contemplated suicide, and eventually picked up his Bible and a Dr. Watts hymn book, left the house, and didn’t look back.

As a fourteen year-old runaway he preached the gospel of Christ to the Native American nations of his region. When facing death for trespassing on their lands, he was miraculously spared when he began to pray in the Cherokee language and his executioner came to faith in Christ. He maintained an itinerant ministry to the tribes, living among them and adopting their dress and way of life so far as compatible with the Christian life.

While still in his teens, Marrant hired himself out as a carpenter to a plantation and there the free black man began to teach black slaves about Jesus. This was very much against the wishes of their mistress. As the slaves began to know more about Jesus and the Bible, they organised prayer meetings in their quarters. This was violently raided by the master and a gang of assistants, and the slaves flogged till the floor was covered in blood. The meetings continued though, under cover of darkness, in the woods.

Though living in the countryside and finding it difficult to access a place where the gospel was preached, Marrant found gatherings of Christians in nearby towns with whom he could pray and listen to the preaching of the gospel.

When Revolution broke out, Marrant was pressed (a form of coercive enlistment) into the Royal Navy as a musician, and while he felt cold and dead spiritually over the almost seven years that he served the King, he later would write “My gracious God, my dear Father in his dear Son, roused me every now and then by dangers and deliverances.” While manning a gun at the Battle of Dogger Bank, he fell seriously wounded, “covered with the blood and brains of the slain”, but survived after over three months in hospital. His wounds later made him severely ill, so he was discharged in Plymouth, England.

When denied a pension, and despite the prejudices of the society around him, Marrant applied himself diligently to work alongside a merchant in London and found fellowship with churches belonging to the Countess of Huntingdon’s Connexion, a network of churches founded by Selina, Countess of Huntingdon in 1783. Here, he grew as a Christian, embraced a Calvinistic Methodist theology, developed his gifts of teaching and preaching, and saw more clearly that God was calling him to gospel ministry.

On 15 May, 1785 the 29 year old Marrant was ordained for gospel ministry in the Connexion, and preached many sermons over the next months in Bath, Bristol, and London. These were very well received, with visible fruit evidenced in people’s conviction and conversion.

Marrant continued to carry a burden for his people – not only his family, but people of African descent in North America. His brother was numbered among the thousands of African American refugees who were transported from the newly formed United States to Nova Scotia, not least as many of them had fought for the Crown instead of the colonials in exchange for freedom from slavery. His brother, who had joined his family in their hostility to John when he first became a Christian, wrote that he was praying for ministers to come and preach to them.

Marrant showed the letter to the Countess, Lady Huntingdon, who believed it was God’s providential guidance. Marrant was set apart and sent out from England by the churches for gospel ministry in Nova Scotia, leaving on 18 August 1785. Harlem Renaissance intellectual Arturo Schomburg would later identify Marrant as “the first Negro preacher of the Methodist persuasion” and applies the words of Methodist missionary Dr. E. Stanley Jones to him: “A Negro preacher to the American Indians laid the foundation of the missionary work of the Methodist Church”. 

Marrant planted and organised a church in Birchtown, the largest of Nova Scotia’s African American refugee communities, which at its peak constituted the largest community of free black men and women outside of Africa. Though free, they were however severely marginalised, did not receive the reparative aid promised them by the British government, and survived in poverty. They could not adequately support Marrant, so he joined them in barely surviving for the glory of God in the proclamation of the gospel. The money sent by the Connexion had been quickly exhausted by travel expenses, and there was no regular support from England. The ailing Countess was unresponsive to Marrant’s appeals for help. A narrative telling of Marrant’s life, A Narrative of the Lord's Wonderful Dealings with John Marrant, a Black, had been written and published from notes based on his ordination sermon, but not by him and he did not get money from its publication. Marrant used his own finances to build a meeting place for the church. Sometimes, he had no option but to pawn the jacket he wore to get to the more remote communities he was seeking to reach.

Marrant married Elizabeth Herries, a Black Loyalist, and it seems from correspondence that they had children. He continued to work hard preaching and teaching in Birchtown - where he pastored a diverse congregation of black, white, and First Nations people - and travelling as an evangelist to native and fishing communities further afield. He also represented the needs of his impoverished community, carrying petitions to the British governor in Halifax, appealing for the land grants promised but not delivered, and procuring supplies to help the people of his town at least have a fighting chance in their harsh environment.

Marrant’s mission was to proclaim Christ toward the creation of a covenant community submitted to the sovereignty of God, which would be characterised not only by word but also deed – the pursuit of justice, and the peace of his city. When it looked increasingly difficult to achieve the spiritual focus and social flourishing of his people facing prejudice, poverty, and a harsh climate, Marrant became involved in discussions with abolitionists, influential black freemen, and promoted the idea as something of a missional vision to his church.

After establishing the church in Birchtown and appointing leader, Marrant went to New England in 1789. There, his preaching sparked a white riot in Boston, designed to disrupt the evening meeting he was preaching at and ultimately to end in his death. The men behind the riot were resentful because after work they would visit their girlfriends and find them missing: gone to hear Marrant preach.  As with so many other dangers throughout his life, he escaped unharmed and continued to teach at a school and to preach, until he departed for England.

Marrant went to England, concerned by the lack of support and communication from his sending churches. When he arrived, he found himself the target of false accusations that he had squandered the money they had sent with him. This led him to publish his Journal, in which he kept detailed records of sermons he preached, the response he was met with, controversies he weathered, and dangers he escaped. He was confident that no preacher in the Connexion could have suffered more than he had, and while compelled to demonstrate this (not entirely unlike the Apostle Paul in 2 Corinthians), believed it was all worth it for the glory of God.

Marrant continued preaching at the Upper Street Independent Chapel in Islington, London. He died within a year of his return in 1791, at the age of 35. He was buried in the graveyard adjoining the chapel, called New Bunhill Fields, which has long since disappeared. A year later, almost all of his church in Birchtown, Nova Scotia immigrated together to Sierra Leone. As they set foot on the ground of their new home, they began to sing from the Countess of Huntingdon Connexion hymn book, “The day of Jubilee is come; return, ye ransomed sinners home.” Within twelve days they had planted the first Connexion church in Sierra Leone, and Connexion churches continue there to this day.

That is what it looked like for Christ to have John Marrant.

For further reading:

John Marrant, A Narrative of the Lord's Wonderful Dealings with John Marrant, a Black (London: 1795) http://blackloyalist.com/cdc/documents/diaries/marrant_narrative.htm (last accessed 24/10/2020)

John Marrant, A journal of the Rev. John Marrant…(London: 1790) http://blackloyalist.com/cdc/documents/diaries/marrant_journal.htm (last accessed 24/10/2020)

Joanna Brooks, “John Marrant's Journal: Providence And Prophecy in the Eighteenth-Century Black Atlantic” in The North Star vol. 3, Number 1 (Fall, 1999) https://www.princeton.edu/~jweisenf/northstar/volume3/brooks.html (last accessed 24/10/2020)

Cedrick May, “John Marrant and the Narrative Construction of an Early Black Methodist Evangelical.” African American Review, vol. 38, no. 4, (2004), pp. 553–570. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4134417 (last accessed 24/10/2020)

John Saillant, “'Wipe away All Tears from Their Eyes': John Marrant's Theology in the Black Atlantic, 1785-1808” in Journal of Millennial Studies, vol. 1, no. 2 http://www.mille.org/publications/winter98/saillant.PDF (last accessed 24/10/2020)

Arthur A. Schomburg, “Two Negro Missionaries to the American Indians, John Marrant and John Stewart” in The Journal of Negro History, vol. 21, no. 4 (1936) pp. 394–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2714332 (last accessed 24/10/2020)


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